By Michael Tonry
From Labour's promise to be 'tough on crime, difficult at the explanations of crime' via to the White Paper and new felony justice laws, controlling crime and reforming the legal justice method has been one of many government's key priorities. This ebook offers an in depth assessment of the considering at the back of those new plans and laws, taking a look at rules and recommendations within the box of punishment, rather these embodied within the Halliday overview of the Sentencing Framework (2001), the govt. White Paper Justice for All (2002), and the 2002 felony Justice invoice. The members to th. learn more... Prelims; Contents; Notes on members; Preface; bankruptcy 1. facts, elections and beliefs within the making of legal justice coverage; bankruptcy 2. Drug-dependent offenders and Justice for All; bankruptcy three. Unprincipled sentencing? The coverage method of risky intercourse offenders; bankruptcy four. Nuisance offenders: scopping the general public coverage difficulties; bankruptcy five. Procedural and evidential protections within the English courts; bankruptcy 6. Sentencing instructions; bankruptcy 7. Sentence administration: a brand new position for the judiciary?; bankruptcy eight. Is sentencing in England and Wales institutionally racist? bankruptcy nine. Custody plus, custody minusChapter 10. decreasing the legal inhabitants; bankruptcy eleven. 'Justice for All': A precis of Cambridge convention discussions; Index
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Extra resources for Confronting Crime: Crime control policy under new labour (Cambridge Criminal Justice Series)
These also are not proposals for evidence-based policy-making. III. Evidence-based policy-making? It may simply have been unrealistic to imagine that the Labour government would take its evidence-based policy rhetoric seriously in relation to crime. Rightly or not, like it or not, Labour in the early 1990s saw its weak anti-crime credentials as an electoral handicap and resolved to adopt Bill Clinton’s approach to crime policy: never let the conservatives get to your right (Downes and Morgan 2002).
While the focus of the study was on the group’s experience of treatment, respondents were also asked about their involvement in crime. Most of the sample had criminal records, usually long ones. The start of their criminal career more often than not predated that of the problematic drug career: a minority (36 respondents) said that their criminal careers had been prompted by drug use. Although most were involved in acquisitive crime before they started using crack, the drug led to very steep increases in offending rates and broadened the range of offences they committed.
The largest relevant research study is the NEW-ADAM survey (Bennett 1998, 2000; Bennett et al 2001) which drug-tests and interviews samples of arrestees. The latest sweep of the survey found that 65 per cent of all arrestees tested (1,435) were positive for some form of illicit drug, with 24 per cent testing positive for opiates and 15 per cent for cocaine. The average weekly expenditure on drugs, for heroin and crack/cocaine users, was £290. The main sources of illegal income during the last 12 months were property crime (theft, burglary, robbery, handling stolen goods and fraud/deception) followed by drug dealing and undeclared earnings while claiming social security benefits.