By Donald Ray Cressey
This is a publication approximately Edwin H. Sutherland's idea of vary ential organization. I obtained my Ph. D. from Indiana collage, the place I labored with Sutherland, and the quantity is made up largely of my writings on differential organization throughout the years 1952-1963. notwithstanding, the quantity is neither a festschrift nor a ebook of reprints. the unique fabrics have normally been particularly seriously edited with the intention to supply the quantity coherence and so that it will reduce repetition and redundancy. for instance, parts of 1 magazine article look in Chapters I, IV and V; elements of a bankruptcy released in a up to date e-book seem in Chapters I, II and III; and bankruptcy IX consists of 2 inter-related articles, released 8 years aside. bankruptcy I has now not seemed in different places in its current shape, yet such a lot of it includes snippets culled from numerous of my articles and books and woven jointly in new shape. The e-book is meant essentially for non-American readers, who frequently usually are not as accustomed to Sutherland's thought (or with different sociological and social mental theories approximately delinquency, crime and corrections) as are american citizens. but at the very least a nodding acquaintance with Sutherland's paintings is changing into more and more essential to an clever studying of the yankee literature in criminology.
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Extra info for Delinquency, Crime and Differential Association
338. 29 Walter C. Reckless, The Crime Problem, Second Edition, New York: AppletonCentury-Crofts, 1955, p. 169. This kind of error may stem from Sutherland himself, for in his work on the professional thief he used the term "differential association" to characterize the members of the behaviour system, rather than to describe the process presented in the first statement of his theory, two years later. See Edwin H. Sutherland, The Professional Thief, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1937, pp.
Just how much smaller is, of course, open to question. But in one period the number of cases of shop-lifting discovered in three Philadelphia department stores was greater than the total number of thefts of all kinds in the entire city which were known to the police. 7 Second, the number of crimes recorded as "known" to any police department may be only a fraction of the crimes actually known to them. This is illustrated by a study made some years ago in Chicago. The number of robberies "known to the police" in Chicago increased from 1,263 to 14,544 between 1928 and 1931 and burglaries increased from 897 to 18,689 in the same period.
18 Op. , p. 194. But see below, p. 87, note 36. 26 INTRODUCTION TO THE THEORY associations, in comparison with associations with anti-criminal behaviour patterns. Accordingly, it is erroneous to state or imply that the theory is invalid because a category of persons-such as policemen, prison workers or criminologists-have had extensive association with criminal behaviour patterns but yet are not criminals. Second, it is commonly believed that Sutherland says persons become criminals because of an excess of associations with criminalsY Because of the manner in which the theory is stated, and because of the popularity of the "bad companions" theory of criminality in our society, this error is easy to make.