Get En midsommarnattsdröm (A-gruppen, Book 6) PDF

By Arne Dahl

Det går mot midsommar, snart semesterdags. Ett visst lugn borde infinna sig. males för Rikskriminalens specialenhet för våldsbrott av internationell paintings, mer känd som A-gruppen, blir det en intensiv vecka.

En i gruppen anklagas plötsligt för brott i det förgångna, och en mindre bomb av säregna våldsbrott briserar i Stockholm. En gästarbetande polsk sjuksköterska yxmördas, en programansvarig TV-chef skjuts ihjäl efter premiären på en färsk dokusåpa, ett tilltänkt hedersmord tar en oväntad vändning, ett lik flyter upp ur Riddarfjärden och vänder ut och in på allt. Och until slut blir allt väldigt personligt.

"En midsommarnattsdröm är en i ordets egentliga mening magisk läsupplevelse." Sydsvenska Dagbladet
"Han är inte bara en suverän intrigmakare, han har dessutom en i genren sällsynt humor av det slag som inte utesluter seriös samhällskritik, satiriskt turnerad." Expressen
"En fängslande bok? Ja. Spännande? Definitivt. Och ändå i grunden så avvikande från alla mallar. Arne Dahl är en författare med huvudet på skaft och med tusen rävar bakom alla öron." Aftonbladet
"Arne Dahl är en av få läsvärda svenska deckarförfattare." Göteborgs-Posten

En midsommarnattsdröm är den sjätte boken i Arne Dahls serie om A-gruppen.

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Additional resources for En midsommarnattsdröm (A-gruppen, Book 6)

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59. Pakistan’s defense expenditure tripled between 1988 and 1998, going from 1 to 3 billion dollars. 6 percent of GDP. These figures, however, give only an approximation of the real cost of the armed forces to the Pakistani state, since some expenses do not appear in the Defense budget, particularly payment of retirement pensions, partially transferred to the civilian administration as of 2000 (Blom, “Qui a le bâton a le buff le,” 13). 60. Ayub Khan appointed 272 active or retired officers to the Pakistani administration (Saeed Shafqat, “Military Hegemony,” 85).

Although until the late 1990s the local authorities could hardly protest against the Rangers’ illegal occupation of public buildings, some of them were able to rise up against these practices when a very relative calm was restored in Karachi at the close of the decade. Thus, in October 2001, the Karachi Development Authority (KDA) managed to convince the Rangers to withdraw from its administrative buildings in the Kekhasan area of Clifton. KDA officials had been demanding since 1993 that they leave but it took threatening the paramilitaries with legal action for them to comply.

On November 22, 2004, the Badin fishers decided to stop selling their catch to the Rangers and readily denounced the paramilitaries who harassed them. 41 These punitive measures were, however, not enough to put an end to the fishermen’s revolt, which gradually became politicized. 43 Given the politicization of the issue, the government of Sindh first challenged the PFF leaders’ representativeness and the grounds for PPP criticism, to which the chief minister of Sindh hastened to reply that he had instigated the contractual system giving the Rangers fishing rights in Badin District.

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