By Jean-Louis Briquet, Gilles Favarel-Garrigues (editors)
Unlike a globalizing method of “transnational equipped crime,” this edited quantity stories socio-historical environments within which mafia-esque violence has chanced on a fertile flooring for progress and improvement in the political area. a few of the chapters discover empirical info exhibiting how politico-criminal configurations emerge, are shaped and make allowance for interactions among robust legitimate stakeholders and “professionals of using force”. hyperlinks among army knowledge and political energy in Indonesia, Pakistan and Turkey; the conversion of “violent marketers” into the Russian or Bulgarian political area; the political racketeering actions of leaders of armed nationalist events in Corsica; interactions among the Calabrese mafia and enterprise; funding by way of the Belizean govt in unlawful actions; in any other case, financial illegalism within the Somalia clash… a few of the chapters of this ebook inspire a comparative method of the research of mafia violence within the making and operating of nation strength.
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Extra resources for Organized Crime and States: The Hidden Face of Politics (Sciences Po Series in International Relations and Political Economy)
59. Pakistan’s defense expenditure tripled between 1988 and 1998, going from 1 to 3 billion dollars. 6 percent of GDP. These figures, however, give only an approximation of the real cost of the armed forces to the Pakistani state, since some expenses do not appear in the Defense budget, particularly payment of retirement pensions, partially transferred to the civilian administration as of 2000 (Blom, “Qui a le bâton a le buff le,” 13). 60. Ayub Khan appointed 272 active or retired officers to the Pakistani administration (Saeed Shafqat, “Military Hegemony,” 85).
Although until the late 1990s the local authorities could hardly protest against the Rangers’ illegal occupation of public buildings, some of them were able to rise up against these practices when a very relative calm was restored in Karachi at the close of the decade. Thus, in October 2001, the Karachi Development Authority (KDA) managed to convince the Rangers to withdraw from its administrative buildings in the Kekhasan area of Clifton. KDA officials had been demanding since 1993 that they leave but it took threatening the paramilitaries with legal action for them to comply.
On November 22, 2004, the Badin fishers decided to stop selling their catch to the Rangers and readily denounced the paramilitaries who harassed them. 41 These punitive measures were, however, not enough to put an end to the fishermen’s revolt, which gradually became politicized. 43 Given the politicization of the issue, the government of Sindh first challenged the PFF leaders’ representativeness and the grounds for PPP criticism, to which the chief minister of Sindh hastened to reply that he had instigated the contractual system giving the Rangers fishing rights in Badin District.